West African countries solidify new directions after coups

In Niger’s capital of Niamey, military officials on Tuesday held a ceremony to rename streets and monuments that previously had French names.

Avenue Charles de Gaulle is now called Avenue Djibo Bakary to honor a politician who was instrumental in the country’s independence battle. The Place de La Francophonie—named after the group of French-speaking nations—is now called Place de l’Alliance des Etats du Sahel. That translates into the Alliance of Sahel States, a new alliance that includes Niger and two other military-led West African nations, Mali and Burkina Faso.

The name changes are only the latest steps the countries have taken to cement their new identity separate from the influence of their former colonizer and other Western allies. Meanwhile, Russia has also stepped in as a key partner. The shift has raised questions about the possibility of coups elsewhere in the democratic region, where the youthful population is increasingly frustrated with security crises and economic failures.

Niger became the sixth African country to face a military coup since 2020, following in the footsteps of Mali, Guinea, Sudan, Chad, and Burkina Faso. Gabon joined the list in August last year.

Niger’s military junta spokesman Maj. Col Amadou Abdramane said the name changes were necessary since many streets “bear names that are simply reminders of the suffering and bullying our people endured during the ordeal of colonization.”

In January, Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso formally withdrew from the regional Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and formed their own bloc—the Alliance of Sahel States. In a formal launch in July, the countries announced that Mali will lead the group, representing about 72 million people, for the first year.

During the ceremony, Niger’s ruling general, Abdourahamane Tiani, said the alliance is the only way the countries can tackle terrorism in the current geopolitical climate.

Russia has become a major ally for the three nations as they restructure their political and security stances. Late in September, ministers from the three countries met with officials from Russia’s aerospace agency in Mali’s capital of Bamako. They announced a deal in which Russia promises to provide telecoms and surveillance satellites.

The officials said the technology will bolster surveillance and national security across the countries. The telecoms satellite will also allow shared broadcast signals and better internet and telephone access in remote regions.

Russia has waded into a security gap after decades of Western support failed to quash Islamist insurgency. Last December, France withdrew its last troops from Niger, which had served as a base for the regional battle against al-Qaeda and Islamic State affiliates. The United States similarly completed its exit in August.

Russia’s paramilitary group, formerly known as Wagner Group but now restructured as Africa Corps, has deployed troops to Mali since its 2021 coup.

Olajumoke Ayandele, a visiting assistant professor of practice at New York University’s Center for Global Affairs, said the nature of the military leaders’ rise to power explains its alliances.

“According to them, the security system was deteriorating,” she said. “For the military, it really doesn’t matter if human rights are taken into account. For them, it’s trying to end the operations of the jihadist groups.”

Despite the new partnership, Mali has suffered some major security losses as insurgent groups also extend their reach. In the July battle, some 84 Africa Corps mercenaries and 47 Malian soldiers were killed in dayslong fighting with Tuareg separatist rebels and Islamists in the northern Tinzaouten region. The loss is the heaviest recorded in Africa for the Russian mercenary group. This month the group confirmed it retrieved the bodies of some of its fighters who died in the battle.

In September, an al-Qaeda affiliate claimed responsibility for two simultaneous attacks on a military training school and a military airport in Mali’s capital of Bamako. More than 70 people died in the attack, the first in Bamako in nearly a decade.

Jean-Hervé Jézéquel, the Sahel project director with the International Crisis Group, said the defeat marked a major blow to the military.

“The double attack does not negate everything the Malian army has done of late to improve security, but it does call into question the transitional authorities’ choice to try subduing the jihadist groups by force alone,” he said.

Also in September, the Alliance of Sahel States announced plans for a new joint biometric international passport for its members.

“We will be working to put in place the infrastructure needed to strengthen the connectivity of our territories through transport, communications networks, and information technology,” said Mali’s military leader Col. Assimi Goita.

The ongoing moves have marveled others elsewhere in the region. In Nigeria, a persistent economic crisis has left many unable to afford transport costs, even to get to work. Insecurity has also persisted in the country. Neighboring Ghana is still trying to emerge from its worst economic crisis, with general elections slated for December.

Ayandele said it’s impossible to predict if a coup could happen in other countries. But she explained that instability is only a part of the conditions that could fuel a military takeover.

“When you have your military officers unhappy, that’s when you start having talks of a coup d’état,” she explained.

Ayandele also noted coup leaders like Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré, 34, represent a younger crop of military officers. Countries with a longer history of military rule will be less inclined to rush to power, she explained, given an understanding that it takes more than force and hard power to rule.

“When your younger brother wants to taste power, you tell him it’s not as easy as you think,” she said.