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Myanmar residents criticize “fake election”

Amid the Asian country’s civil war, the latest general election is viewed as the junta’s bid to maintain power


Inside polling stations in Myanmar, voters dipped their pinkies into blue ink to show they had cast their ballots in the recent general election. But Saw Htoo, a 35-year-old father of two and a member of the Karen ethnic group, had no intention of voting. He described the three-phase voting that concluded on Sunday in Myanmar, also known as Burma, as “a fake election.”

“The dictatorship killed many civilians, burning our villages, our schools,” said Htoo, a chaplain with the Christian humanitarian relief organization Free Burma Rangers (FBR) who spoke from a camp his organization set up in Kayin state, an area not under the junta’s control. “So I cannot trust them and I cannot vote for that.”

This is the first election since the military seized power in a 2021 coup, overthrowing the democratically elected government led by Aung San Suu Kyi and sparking an ongoing civil war. Organized by the ruling junta, the election saw a purported turnout of 13 million, or about 55% of eligible voters. But outside observers have denounced the vote as a sham to legitimize military rule.

The junta barred opposition parties from running and held polls only in regions it oversees, which make up only about 21% of the nation. As of late 2024, opposition forces controlled an estimated 42% of the land.

Following the final round of voting, the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party claimed victory, having also won the earlier two rounds. It was widely expected that the party would secure a majority in the two-house national parliament, allowing it to form a new government. Military leader Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, 69, is also expected to take over as president.

According to the International Crisis Group’s Myanmar analyst Richard Horsey, the military government held the election as a “procedural mechanism” to comply with the 2008 military-drafted constitution. It allows the junta to return to constitutional rule after enforcing a four-year post-coup state of emergency. The junta aims to reset Myanmar’s politics through the election while retaining ultimate control, Horsey wrote in an analysis.

Despite the election, which began on Dec. 28, the military has not scaled back its daily attacks on civilians, said Dave Eubank, a former U.S. Army Ranger and Special Forces officer who founded and leads FBR. Eubank has lived in Myanmar for 32 years. The election “means nothing to us, and we’ve only seen bombs, bullets, mortars, ground attack,” he said. “I’ve never seen heavier fighting than now.”

The country’s current civil war grew out of earlier clashes between the military and citizens protesting the coup. Fueling the conflict are long-standing tensions between the military and armed ethnic groups fighting for greater autonomy. The military launched its coup after Suu Kyi’s ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party won more than 80% of parliamentary seats in the 2020 general election. Military officials alleged electoral fraud, but independent observers found no evidence showing it. The junta has since dissolved the NLD and other political parties and imprisoned Suu Kyi on what are widely considered politically motivated charges.

Eubank believes the military has intensified aggression because it feels threatened by ethnic majority Burmans joining ethnic minorities in their resistance against the junta. He also notes that China and Russia have bolstered the military’s efforts by supplying weapons and fighter jets. In November, Myanmar’s military commissioned Chinese aircraft and Russian helicopters into its air force. The junta has also enforced mandatory conscription to replenish its troops.

Earlier this week, China congratulated Myanmar’s junta for holding the election. Analysts believe China’s support for the junta is aimed at ensuring stability in the neighboring country where China has invested in infrastructure projects.

But the 11-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the European Union, and international human rights groups have rejected Myanmar’s election. Tom Andrews, the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, urged other countries to dismiss the “illegitimate” election that he said included violence and coercion. The junta has prosecuted more than 400 people under the Election Protection Law, which criminalizes criticism and disruption of the election.

In November, during the lead-up to the vote, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security announced the termination of temporary protected status for nearly 4,000 Myanmar nationals residing in the United States. The agency claimed it was safe for Myanmar citizens to return home because the country had made progress in governance that included “plans for free and fair elections.” A U.S. federal judge last week halted the termination and set a Feb. 6 hearing in the case.

Back in Myanmar, Cyrus, a 25-year-old ethnic Karenni member of FBR, dismissed the election as the junta’s way of propping itself up. He also pointed out that displaced citizens, such as those seeking refuge in the jungle, were unable to vote. Approximately 3.6 million people have been displaced by the war and natural disasters.

Htoo is weary of the junta’s rule. “We want democracy,” he said, raising a clenched fist.

He called for the release of political prisoners, including the 80-year-old ousted democratic leader Suu Kyi, currently serving a 27-year sentence. More than 22,700 political prisoners remain behind bars and over 7,700 civilians have been killed by the junta since the coup, according to a report released by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners on Monday.

Eubank recalled the high casualties from the conflict, including rangers from his own organization. “I can cry every day if I just … think about our people,” he said, choking up midsentence.

As the junta ramps up attacks, Eubank said he sees fear, discouragement, and sadness among the people. At the same time, he observes citizens who are resolved not to give up on their country.

He often wonders whether he should continue his mission in Myanmar when “my guys are literally dying around me.” In moments of uncertainty, Eubank said he turns to prayer: “Every time I pray, I’m like, This is where God wants me, so I’m going to stay until God doesn’t want me here,” said Eubank. “[God] gives me peace and helps me get past my tears and gives me good things to do.”


These summarize the news that I could never assemble or discover by myself. —Keith

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