Gun debate tipping point?

WASHINGTON—A week after a mass shooting at a school in Parkland, Fla., the outcry over gun law reforms has never been louder.

Everyone seems to agree a mentally unstable 19-year-old with a history of threatening behavior should not have been able to legally purchase the AR-15 assault rifle he used in the Valentine’s Day attack at his former high school. But that’s about the only thing uniting lawmakers as they debate policies to prevent future attacks.

Partisan differences on gun laws remain as strong as ever, but with public unrest building, Congress could soon take some action—even though it’s unlikely to satisfy the loudest voices on both sides of the debate.

Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Fla., bore the brunt of the anger directed at Republican lawmakers during a televised town hall event held Wednesday night near Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Fla.—the scene of last week’s attack that killed 17 people. Parents, teachers, students, and other members of the community expressed anger and frustration over the nation’s lax gun laws. President Donald Trump and Republican Florida Gov. Rick Scott both declined invitations to participate in the event.

Fred Guttenberg, whose daughter died last week, confronted Rubio about not supporting a ban on assault weapons.

“My daughter, running down the hallway, was shot in the back with an assault weapon, the weapon of choice,” Guttenberg said. “It is too easy to get. It is a weapon of war. The fact that you can’t stand with everybody else in this room and say that, I’m sorry.”

The room repeatedly booed Rubio as he tried to explain complications and loopholes that plague assault weapon ban legislation.

But in a sign he and other Republicans are open to the idea of making serious changes, Rubio pledged Wednesday to support legislation that would raise the minimum age for purchasing assault weapons from 18 to 21. He also vowed to reconsider his position on high-capacity ammunition magazines. The National Rifle Association opposes both measures.

Earlier this week, Trump ordered the Justice Department to find a way to block the sale of bump stocks and other devices that increase the firing rate of weapons. Lawmakers from both parties are eyeing legislation that would permanently outlaw them.

Bills banning assault weapons or even raising the purchasing age limit remain too controversial to secure a floor debate in Congress, but votes on bills banning bump stocks and reinforcing background checks are imminent.

A bill from Sens. John Cornyn, R-Texas, and Chris Murphy, D-Conn., aims to improve reporting of violent criminals to the FBI’s background-check database, which prevents them from purchasing weapons. The two senators first introduced the bill after a mass shooting at a church in Sutherland Springs, Texas. The shooter in that case had a criminal conviction in a military court, but the Air Force failed to report it.

If passed, the Cornyn-Murphy legislation would not expand the background check system but would provide incentives for states to report convictions to the federal database, which is not a requirement in all cases.

John Malcolm, a Heritage Foundation senior legal fellow, told me banning bump stocks and passing the Cornyn-Murphy bill would be reasonable responses for conservatives. But he insisted lawmakers need to approach the subject with clear eyes and not rush to pass reforms just to quiet critics.

“I don’t think some of the people on the left are going to be satisfied until essentially the Second Amendment is repealed,” he said. “But that doesn’t mean there aren’t measures that can take place.”

While urging passage for his bill, Murphy said no one should “pretend this bill alone is an adequate response to this epidemic.” He and other Democrats ultimately want universal background checks for gun purchases and a ban on the sale of high-capacity firearms.

Congress returns to work Monday, but the past 12 months have shown lawmakers’ inability to pass much of anything. Small gun law reforms might win enough support to pass, but don’t expect the sweeping changes some are demanding.

DACA supporters rally at the U.S. Capitol in Washington earlier this month. Associated Press/Photo by Jacquelyn Martin

What’s next for DACA?

Lawmakers left town last week without reaching a consensus on a permanent solution for the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, leaving 700,000 immigrants in limbo.

But with two separate federal courts ruling against President Donald Trump’s order to end the program on March 5, the timetable for immigration reform likely has shifted.

While the court battle plays out, some lawmakers are warming to the idea of shoring up DACA now and coming back to broader reforms later.

Sen. Jeff Flake, R-Ariz., wrote in The Washington Post this week that he plans to urge Senate leaders to consider a bill that would protect DACA recipients from deportation for three years and provide $7.6 billion in border security funding—enough for the first phase of Trump’s border wall.

Without a hard deadline to pass something, don’t expect any action on immigration reforms until the end of the month. The continuing resolution currently funding the government runs out after March 23. Watch for lawmakers—particularly Democrats—to force another vote on immigration to coincide with that deadline. —E.W.

DACA supporters rally at the U.S. Capitol in Washington earlier this month. Associated Press/Photo by Jacquelyn Martin

The pastor to the presidents

It’s hard to overstate the Rev. Billy Graham’s significance, just ask any living U.S. president. Graham first visited the White House during President Harry S. Truman’s tenure in 1950. He built relationships with and counseled every commander in chief since then. Graham’s last official presidential meeting took place in 2010, at his home in Montreat, N.C., with President Barack Obama. Before he became president, Donald Trump joined 800 other guests to celebrate Graham’s 95th birthday in 2013. While other famous religious figures have sparked debate by weighing in on political issues—including Graham’s oldest son, Franklin—Billy Graham maintained a different strategy for ministry. “I’m just going to preach the gospel and am not going to get off on all these hot-button issues,” he told The New York Times in 2005. “If I get on these other subjects, it divides the audience on an issue that is not the issue I’m promoting. I’m just promoting the gospel.” —E.W.

Heitkamp’s high five for abortion​

The National Republican Senatorial Committee unveiled an attack ad this week targeting Sen. Heidi Heitkamp, D-N.D., over her vote against a 20-week abortion ban. During a Senate vote last month, three Democrats joined pro-life lawmakers to protect unborn babies at five months gestation, but Heitkamp was not one of them. The bill needed nine more votes to proceed. After Heitkamp cast her vote she gave Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., a big high five on the Senate floor. Heitkamp is one of 10 Senate Democrats running for reelection in states President Donald Trump won in 2016. —E.W.