The (mostly) ignored crisis for the Druze

In mid-July, the Druze of southern Syria had a brief moment of international press coverage. But only a moment. In the New York Times, the Druze in Syria were mentioned in four stories appearing between July 16 and July 18, followed by radio silence on the topic. Yet the stories were unsettling. The Syrian Druze had been violently attacked by Sunni Bedouins. Soldiers of the fledgling Syrian government had rushed to the region—claiming publicly to be trying to restore order, but with the Druze asserting that militias affiliated with the Islamist regime participated in violence against the non-Muslim Druze minority.

Israel took the threat seriously enough to launch airstrikes against the Syrian capital as a warning to the ruling regime. But more of the headlines were about Israel than about the Druze. And then the story dropped off the radar of most mainstream media. Whatever the editors of liberal America’s paper of record may think, the developments for the Druze people in Syria should demand the attention of anyone who values religious liberty and basic human rights.

For hundreds of years, insular Druze communities have straddled the hills around northern Israel, southern Syria, and southern Lebanon. This region is a volatile geopolitical hotspot. In the last century, it was repeatedly a scene of war and conflict. But the Druze have survived.

In northern Israel, the Druze people solidified their community’s position even before the establishment of the Israeli state. The Druze declined to join many of their Arab neighbors in fighting against Jewish immigrants during the 1930s, when the region was under British control. This in turn raised the tensions between Druze and their Muslim neighbors.

By the time Israel declared its independence while the British colonial forces withdrew, Druze were actively collaborating with the new nation’s military forces. Since the very beginning in 1948, Druze have served in Israel’s armed forces. Like Jewish Israelis, Druze perform compulsory military service—which, on the whole, the community has embraced as a way of solidifying the community’s place as an integral part of the nation. In exchange, Israel has recognized the Druze as an independent religious community and passed laws in the Knesset establishing Druze communal courts to facilitate self-government. The Israeli state also supports specifically Druze public schools in Druze communities within its borders, where the curriculum is designed to allow the community to maintain its self-government.

In southern Syria, Druze communities have maintained a low profile amid the instability of that country. The now toppled regime of Bashar al-Assad had been formally secular. The Assad regime had permitted the half million Syrian Druze to enjoy a considerable degree of autonomy in their communities in the south of the country.

Ahmed al-Sharaa, also known as Abu Mohammad al-Julani, was the rebel commander who now leads Syria as president. Previously affiliated with al-Qaeda, Al-Sharaa exchanged his turban for a business suit to present a more palatable picture to the international community. But within Syria, non-Muslim minorities—Druze and Christian—have watched the new regime with anxiety.

A first sticking point was military. The new regime wanted to incorporate Druze militias into the Syrian armed forces. Druze were reluctant to go along. Disarmed, their communities would be easy targets for any hostile movements or persecution.

That persecution appears to have begun. Sunni Muslim Bedouins launched attacks on Druze in the southern Syrian city of Sweida in mid-July. There is little indication that the new Syrian government is able or willing to protect the Druze. To the contrary, there have been allegations that regime-affiliated gunmen and militias joined in attacking the Druze. These militias also are reported to have stolen livestock that are important for the food supplies of the Druze community. Recent reports suggest that food and water supplies are running low in Sweida, with no humanitarian aid in sight.

While much is yet unknown, the situation has every appearance of religious and ethnic persecution. Ironically, Israel is the one country that quickly took the situation seriously, launching air strikes to jolt the Syrian regime into action, and prompting what little international attention the issue has received. The IDF more recently opened a medical triage facility near the Druze village of Hader.

The United States has become involved in talks with the Syrian government that also involve Israel. (At least one American was murdered in the attacks on the Druze community.) After talks this past weekend between the Syrian government, French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot, and U.S. Special Envoy to Syria Thomas Barrack, the word from the regime is that it will seek to hold perpetrators of violence accountable.

Will it? No one knows. For the sake of the Druze and other minorities, we must hope and pray—and encourage our government to work—for the restoration of order and a rule of law that will safeguard religious minorities in Syria.