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Massacre with impunity

Syria’s Islamist government fails to protect minorities—again


Bedouin fighters prepare for clashes with Druze militias in southern Syria, on July 18. Associated Press / Photo by Ghaith Alsayed

Massacre with impunity
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Many have warned of the perils of Islamist ideologies that elevate Sunni supremacy above the sanctity of human life. The recent massacre in Suwayda, Syria, where scores of Druze were killed, confirms the deep concerns about the new Syrian regime led by Ahmed al-Sharaa, a former al-Qaeda affiliate. This tragedy, following the bombing of Christians and the slaughter of Alawites, marks the third minority group targeted under a Sunni Muslim government that pledges unity but delivers bloodshed.

Once again, Israel has been compelled to intervene, protecting the Druze in southern Syria—linked to their kin in northern Israel—and curbing the chaos unleashed by an Islamist-led regime incapable of safeguarding its diverse population. The Suwayda massacre starkly reveals that minorities—Christians, Alawites, and now Druze—are not safe under a government rooted in jihadist ideology, promoting a Sunni supremacist agenda that brands non-Sunnis as infidels fit for death and plunder.

The violence in Suwayda erupted on July 11, escalating into a full-scale massacre of Druze men after their elders were humiliated through public beard-shaving, a religiously significant act, with the scenes recorded on video. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights reports a staggering 516 deaths, including 79 Druze fighters and 55 civilians, 27 of whom were summarily executed by government forces. Reuters details the looting and burning of Druze homes, with government troops accused of extrajudicial killings and systematic vandalism. A ceasefire announced on July 15 collapsed when Druze leader Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri rejected it, accusing the regime of shelling civilians and waging a “genocidal campaign.”

This bloodshed follows a grim pattern. In March, over 900 Alawites were massacred in Latakia, and Christians have endured church bombings, such as the Saint Elias attack in Damascus, under al-Sharaa’s watch. These are not isolated events but symptoms of a regime that tolerates, if not enables, sectarian violence against those it deems heretical. Sunni Muslims are shielded, while Islamist groups freely roam Syrian lands, harassing and targeting non-Sunni minorities.

But who are the Druze?

The Druze are a small ethnoreligious group, numbering about 1 million worldwide, primarily in Syria (over 50%), Lebanon, Israel, and Jordan. They follow a secretive, monotheistic faith that emerged in the 11th century as an offshoot of Shiite Islam but has evolved into a distinct religion. Calling themselves Muwahhidun (monotheists), they emphasize belief in one God, blending elements of Islam, Gnosticism, Neoplatonism, and other philosophies. Most Druze do not identify as Muslims, a stance that has led to a history of persecution by various Muslim regimes. In Israel, they are significantly protected and integrated into society, even joining the Israeli army, but in Muslim-majority lands, they often face humiliation and discrimination.

Al-Sharaa’s failure to control these military factions exposes his government’s weakness and complicity.

Ahmed al-Sharaa, formerly a commander in Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), an al-Qaeda offshoot, claims to champion Syria’s diversity. Yet his regime’s actions betray this rhetoric. Many hard-line Islamist fighters in the Syrian military view Druze, Alawites, and Christians as infidels—legitimate targets for attacks sanctioned by Allah. This has fueled fear and mistrust among Syrian minorities. The Washington Post notes that some fighters, loyal to al-Sharaa’s Sunni Islamist vision, consider the Druze heretics, driving sectarian attacks. Deployed to Suwayda to restore order, regime troops instead escalated violence against those they deemed infidels, committing criminal acts like looting and executions.

Al-Sharaa’s failure to control these military factions exposes his government’s weakness and complicity. His promises of accountability ring hollow when security forces under his command perpetrate atrocities. This echoes the jihadist mindset that justifies violence against non-Sunnis, treating their lives and properties as spoils of war. If Islam’s prophet Muhammad led wars against infidels and massacred them, the logic follows, devoted Muslims should eliminate non-Muslims and seize their possessions.

Israel’s response, though controversial, fills the void left by al-Sharaa’s ineptitude. Scores of Israeli Druze crossed into Syria to aid their kin in Suwayda. Israel intervened to prevent further chaos and secure the Israeli-Syrian border. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu emphasized Israel’s commitment to preserving southwestern Syria as a demilitarized zone and protecting the Druze, citing ties with Israel’s loyal Druze community. Israel’s actions were a necessary counter to the Islamist chaos unleashed by al-Sharaa’s regime.

The Suwayda massacre is a clarion call for the international community, especially Christians, to reject the illusion of al-Sharaa’s “inclusive” Syria. His government’s jihadist ties and inability to control extremist factions leave minorities at the mercy of those who view them as infidels. The Druze, like Christians and Alawites, face a regime that tolerates their destruction, with properties looted and lives extinguished under the guise of restoring order. We must pray for Syria’s minorities and advocate for policies that hold Islamist regimes accountable, ensuring no more churches are bombed, no more Alawites are massacred, and no more Druze are slaughtered under the shadow of Sunni supremacy.


A.S. Ibrahim

A.S. was born and raised in Egypt and holds two doctorates with an emphasis on Islam and its history. He is a professor of Islamic studies and director of the Jenkins Center for the Christian Understanding of Islam at The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary. He has taught at several schools in the United States and the Middle East and authored A Concise Guide to the Life of Muhammad (Baker Academic, 2022), Conversion to Islam (Oxford University Press, 2021), Basics of Arabic (Zondervan 2021), A Concise Guide to the Quran (Baker Academic, 2020), and The Stated Motivations for the Early Islamic Expansion (Peter Lang, 2018), among others.


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