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Hope grounded in realism

Trump’s Board of Peace offers a bold opportunity for Gaza, but risks abound


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The inaugural meeting of the Board of Peace convened on Feb. 19, at the U.S. Institute of Peace in Washington, D.C. Focused squarely on Gaza’s post-ceasefire reconstruction and stabilization, President Donald Trump presented the gathering as a promising model for resolving conflicts worldwide—one driven by pragmatism rather than mere talks. Roughly 50 countries took part, 27 as full members and the remainder as observers, including the European Union. Prominent voices included Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and strikingly absent were Palestinian representatives and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

On the economic front, the president announced approximately $17 billion in pledges for relief and rebuilding: $7 billion from nine nations—Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, the UAE, Morocco, Bahrain, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Uzbekistan, and Kuwait—alongside a substantial $10 billion U.S. commitment. On security, Muslim-majority nations including Indonesia, Morocco, and Kazakhstan pledged thousands of troops toward an international stabilization force.

Attendees applauded Trump’s decisive leadership in assembling this coalition. Critics, predictably, raised concerns about bypassing traditional UN channels and were quick to dismiss the event as a branding exercise. Gaza residents, understandably exhausted, expressed both cautious hope and skepticism about whether any of it would translate into real change—particularly given Hamas’s apparent unwillingness to loosen its grip on Gaza and its people.

So, is the Board of Peace a genuinely hopeful new chapter, or simply a Trump show? No serious analysis can afford to settle for simplistic verdicts on a conflict this complicated.

On the one hand, the Board of Peace deserves genuine recognition as a bold, assertive, and refreshingly pragmatic breakthrough. This initiative did not drift out of bureaucratic inertia—it flows directly from Trump’s forceful demands on Israelis and Palestinians alike. His trademark deal-making has already accomplished what multilateral forums long failed to do: uniting historically cautious partners such as Saudi Arabia and Israel and drawing Muslim-majority nations into both financial pledges and troop commitments. The $17 billion represents more than figures on paper. It signals tangible investment in economic revival, offering ordinary Gazans jobs, infrastructure, and a stake in stability that could finally interrupt the cycle of violence. Concerns about sidelining the UN, while not without merit, should not obscure a harder truth: The UN’s recent record in active conflicts has too often been one of delay, paralysis, and ineffectiveness. Without energetic American leadership, little of substance tends to happen at all.

Hamas shows no inclination to surrender its weapons, and too many actors remain dug in against the very compromises that peace demands.

On the other hand, alarm and caution remain essential. Success will not come overnight, and the obstacles are real. Hamas shows no inclination to surrender its weapons, and too many actors remain dug in against the very compromises that peace demands. If the Board proves superficial—spectacle dressed as strategy—then everyone loses, and the people of Gaza most of all. The absence of Palestinian voices at this stage is noticeable and risks eroding the initiative’s legitimacy over time, though history does suggest that once serious money and meaningful incentives appear on the table, pragmatic actors tend to find their way in. Israel’s absence may reflect frustration or calculated positioning, but without sustained U.S. pressure, whatever momentum exists will stall.

Two dangers in particular stand out.

First, while China and Russia are often unreliable partners whose motives warrant scrutiny, their exclusion risks leaving significant geopolitical levers untouched—and may even deepen tensions in an already volatile region. Strategic inclusion, carefully calibrated, could strengthen both enforcement and durability. Second, and more urgently, America bears the heaviest financial and political load in this arrangement. Washington must remain vigilant against the risk of shouldering the entire burden alone should other contributors waver or quietly withdraw. Equally non-negotiable from day one: ironclad safeguards against corruption in Gaza and Palestinian institutions. Past scandals have squandered enormous sums of aid, and there is no reason to assume the problem has resolved itself.

None of this, however, diminishes what remains a genuinely hopeful moment. Skepticism about the Board, or unease about circumventing the UN, must not paralyze progress or dampen global support. With transparent, rigorous oversight of every pledged dollar, relentless pressure on all parties to honor their commitments, and a clear-eyed insistence that Hamas and other spoilers yield to pragmatism, the Board of Peace can succeed.

President Trump has handed a weary region an opening to a more promising future—not empty rhetoric, but resources, troops, and a framework for renewal. If nurtured with wisdom, vigilance, and genuine unity of purpose, it may yet deliver stability to Gaza, deter future wars, and serve as a fresh template for conflict resolution far beyond this particular conflict. Hope, grounded in realism, is once again on the table. The world should seize it.


A.S. Ibrahim

A.S. was born and raised in Egypt and holds two doctorates with an emphasis on Islam and its history. He is a professor of Islamic studies and director of the Jenkins Center for the Christian Understanding of Islam at The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary. He has taught at several schools in the United States and the Middle East and is the author of Sharia Versus the U.S. Constitution: Why Americans Must Choose Freedom. He has also authored A Concise Guide to the Life of Muhammad (Baker Academic, 2022), Conversion to Islam (Oxford University Press, 2021), Basics of Arabic (Zondervan 2021), A Concise Guide to the Quran (Baker Academic, 2020), and The Stated Motivations for the Early Islamic Expansion (Peter Lang, 2018), among others.


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